Jefferson’s
First Inaugural Address
March 4, 1801
The classic exposition of democratic philosophy, famous for its confession of faith and literary beauty.[1]
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Friends and Fellow Citizens:
Called
upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I
avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here
assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been
pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is
above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful
presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so
justly inspire. A rising nation,
spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich
productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power
and forget right; advancing rapidly
to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye-when I contemplate these
transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this
beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink
from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the
undertaking. Utterly, indeed,
should I despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in
the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I shall find resources
of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties.
To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of
legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for
that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in
which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.
During
the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions
and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on stringers
unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think;
but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced
according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange
themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common
good. All, too, will bear in mind
this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to
prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable;
that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must
protect, and to violate would be oppression.
Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind.
Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without
which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.
And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious
intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained
little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and
capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.
During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the
agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his
long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should
reach even this distant and peaceful shore;
that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and
should divide opinions as to measures of safety.
But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle.
We have called by different names brethren of the same principle.
We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.
If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to
change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the
safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to
combat it. I know, indeed, that
some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this
Government is not strong enough; but
would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a
government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary
fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy
to preserve itself? I trust not.
I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth.
I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would
fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as
his own personal concern. Sometimes
it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself.
Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others?
Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him?
Let history answer this question.
Let
us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and republican
principles, our attachment to union and representative government.
Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc
of one quarter of the globe; too
high-minded to endure the degradations of the others;
possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to
the thousandth and thousandth generation;
entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own
faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from
our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their
sense of them; enlightened by a
benign religion, professed,. indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them
inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;
acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its
dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his
greater happiness hereafter-with all these blessings, what more is necessary to
make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still
one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall
restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to
regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from
the mouth of labor the bread it has earned.
This is the sum oŁ good government, and this is necessary to close the
circle of our felicities.
About
to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything
dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the
essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to
shape its Administration. I will
compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general
principle, but not all its limitations. Equal
and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or
political; peace, commerce, and
honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none;
the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most
competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks
against anti-republican tendencies; the
preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the
sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad;
a jealous care of the right of election by the people-a mild and safe
corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable
remedies are unprovided; absolute
acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics,
from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent
of despotism; a well-disciplined
militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till
regulars may relieve them; the
supremacy of the civil over the military authority;
economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of
the public faith; encouragement of
agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid;
the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of
the public reason; freedom of
religion; freedom of the press, and
freedom
of
person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries
impartially selected. These
principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our
steps through an age of revolution and reformation.
The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to
their attainment. They should be
the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone
by which to try the services of those we trust;
and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us
hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace,
liberty, and safety.
I
repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me.
With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the
difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will
rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the
reputation and the favor which bring him into it.
Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and
greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to
the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in
the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give
firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs.
I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment.
When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will
not command a view of the whole ground. I
ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your
support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if
seen in all its parts. The
approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past,
and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have
bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good
in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.
Relying,
then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work,
ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it
is in your power to make. And may
that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils
to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.
[1] Richardson, ed. Messages and Papers, Vol. I, p. 322. See Also: H. Adams, History of the United States During the Administration of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. I, ch. vii. On Jefferson, see the biographies by H. S. Randall, J. Parton, A. J. Nock, P. L. Ford, D. S. Muzzey, G. Chinard, F. W. Hirst, and J. T. Morse.